{"id":385239,"date":"2026-05-27T09:00:22","date_gmt":"2026-05-27T03:30:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/blog\/?p=385239"},"modified":"2026-05-26T17:48:00","modified_gmt":"2026-05-26T12:18:00","slug":"denotified-tribes-schedule-constitutional-analysis","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/blog\/post\/2026\/05\/27\/denotified-tribes-schedule-constitutional-analysis\/","title":{"rendered":"The Constitutional Case for a Denotified Tribes Schedule"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;\">\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%; font-style: italic; text-align: center;\">In January 2026, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment assured leaders of Denotified, Nomadic, and Semi-Nomadic Tribes (DNT) that their communities would be counted in the upcoming census.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%; font-style: italic;\">With the Supreme Court declining to intervene, what legal and legislative routes remain open for a separate DNT classification, and whether they are constitutionally viable.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">On 24 March 2026, the Supreme Court declined to entertain a writ petition filed by the Denotified Tribes (DNT), which had sought a distinct enumeration of the DNT communities in the 2027 census.<a id=\"fnref1\" href=\"#fn1\" title=\"1. Dakxinkumar Bajrange v. Union of India, WP(C) No. 334 of 2026.\"><sup>1<\/sup><\/a><!-- LE to check the case and XML to hyperlink accordingly --><!-- can't be hyperlinked as it is not reportable --> The court held that the matter fell squarely within the policy domain and was not a justiciable issue, disposing of the petition while permitting the petitioners to approach the competent executive authorities. Notably, the Chief Justice of India (CJI) went further, remarking that the demand for more classifications ran counter to the aspiration of a casteless society and characterising such petitions as &#8220;very calculated moves&#8221; that were &#8220;deep-rooted&#8221; attempts to divide society. This order of the court forecloses the judicial route to DNT enumeration. The question this article examines is what, if anything, remains of the legal and constitutional case for a separate DNT classification, and whether the political and legislative routes are more viable than the judicial one has proven to be.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">In January 2026, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment assured leaders of Denotified, Nomadic, and Semi-Nomadic Tribes (DNT) that their communities would be counted in the upcoming census.<a id=\"fnref2\" href=\"#fn2\" title=\"2. Abhinay Lakshman, &#8220;Mobilisation for a Column on Denotified Tribes in Census Forms Picks up Pace&#8221;, The Hindu, 10-3-2026, available at &lt;https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/mobilisation-for-a-column-on-denotifiedtribesin-census-forms-picks-up-pace\/article70723119.ece&gt;.\"><sup>2<\/sup><\/a> It was a modest pledge, hedged with procedural uncertainty and bereft of any detail. It now appears that the assurance was not backed by any binding legal mechanism, and the court&#8217;s order has done nothing to resolve the matter, having treated it as one for the executive to resolve. Therefore, the central question is whether the constitutional and legal framework in India actually permits a separate classification for DNTs, and if so, through what pathways it could be achieved.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The demand of the DNT communities for a separate column in the census form, and ultimately for a distinct constitutional classification parallel to the Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs), is characterised as an attempt to fragment an already complex reservation architecture. The CJI&#8217;s remarks in the case reflect precisely this scepticism. Yet, the legal question deserves more than a policy-level dismissal. Whether or not one views the demand as politically desirable, its constitutional dimensions, based on Articles <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001574870\" target=\"_blank\">14<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001574882\" target=\"_blank\">15<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001574893\" target=\"_blank\">16<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001575230\" target=\"_blank\">38<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001575259\" target=\"_blank\">46<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0001575169\" target=\"_blank\">340<\/a><!-- XML to hyperlink Articles throughout from Constitution of India -->, are serious and need examination on their own terms.<\/p>\n<h2>The crime of being who you were<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9000305879\" target=\"_blank\">Criminal Tribes Act, 1871<\/a> (<a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9000305879\" target=\"_blank\">CTA<\/a>) made &#8220;criminality&#8221; heritable. Communities identified by colonial administrators as &#8220;addicted&#8221; to crime were registered, surveilled, and controlled. As a Member of Law &amp; Order, T.V. Stephens argued at the time, these were people &#8220;destined by the usages of caste to commit crime&#8221;. The logic was not evidence-based but ethnographic prejudice dressed as legislation.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">When independent India repealed the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9000305879\" target=\"_blank\">CTA<\/a> in 1949, it rebranded it. The introduction of the Habitual Offenders Acts across States substituted hereditary criminality with individual recidivism, but these laws continued to target the same communities with the same structural effect &#8212; presumptive guilt, police harassment, and social exclusion. The denotification of communities that gave this group its name freed them from the register, but not from the stigma the register had created. That stigma is not merely sociological. It has legal consequences &#8212; in encounters with police, in access to housing, and in the operation of executive discretion. It is a form of discrimination that the existing constitutional categories do not adequately name or address.<\/p>\n<h2>What the Constitution actually permits<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Articles 15(4) and 16(4) permit the State to make special laws for socially and educationally backward classes, and Articles 38 and 46 impose positive obligations to promote welfare and protect weaker sections from injustice. Article 340 empowers the President to appoint commissions to investigate the conditions of backward classes. The guarantee of equality under Article 14 does not demand identical treatment, but that similar situations be treated similarly and dissimilar situations be treated differently. In principle, the constitutional provisions are hospitable to the DNT demand.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The harder question is whether a separate constitutional classification, on par with the SCs and STs, is the right thing, and whether it is legally viable without an amendment. The honest answer is &#8212; probably not without an amendment. Articles 341 and 342, which provide for the SC and ST lists through Presidential notification, are the result of specific constitutional provisions. The creation of an analogous &#8220;Denotified Tribes&#8221; list with comparable constitutional status would require Parliament to insert an article of similar structure to Part XVI of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0002726967\" target=\"_blank\">Constitution<\/a>. That is an insurmountable legislative hurdle, but not a constitutional impossibility, as it requires political will.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">A more nuanced question is whether sub-classification within the existing OBC lists can achieve the same ends. The Supreme Court in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9002453615\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">State of Punjab<\/span> v. <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Davinder Singh<\/span><\/a><a id=\"fnref3\" href=\"#fn3\" title=\"3. (2025) 1 SCC 1.\"><sup>3<\/sup><\/a> has confirmed that sub-classification within reserved categories (SC &amp; ST) is constitutionally permissible, provided it is based on &#8220;adequate empirical data&#8221; showing differential backwardness. Many DNT communities are already included in the OBC lists. A carefully designed sub-classification could prioritise these communities within the OBC quota without requiring a constitutional amendment. This is not a lesser remedy, but it is a more immediately achievable one, and one with strong legal support.<\/p>\n<h2>Where the current framework has failed<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The failure of the current framework is not theoretical. The Idate Commission submitted its report in 2017, where it identified approximately 1200 DNT communities already subsumed within the SC, ST, and OBC lists, and a further 268 denotified communities with no classification at all. The NITI Aayog-commissioned anthropological survey study recommended classification for these 268 communities, but these proposals remain pending without government action.<a id=\"fnref4\" href=\"#fn4\" title=\"4. Abhinay Lakshman, &#8220;A Separate Classification for Denotified Tribes | Explained&#8221;, The Hindu, 17-2-2026, available at &lt;https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/a-separate-classification-for-denotified-tribes-explained\/article70638653.ece&gt;.\"><sup>4<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The Scheme for Economic Empowerment of DNTs (SEED) scheme, covering livelihood, education, housing, and health, was designed precisely to fill this gap. It has spent only a fraction of its intended Rs 200 crores allocation over five years. The scheme requires beneficiaries to produce DNT certificates, but government data<a id=\"fnref5\" href=\"#fn5\" title=\"5. Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India, SEED Scheme for Denotified Tribes, available at &lt;https:\/\/sansad.in\/getFile\/loksabhaquestions\/annex\/184\/AU1973_k4eOix.pdf?source=pqals&gt;.\"><sup>5<\/sup><\/a> shows that only select districts in about half a dozen States, such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Haryana, and Rajasthan, actually issue these certificates. As a consequence of that, an individual who holds an SC or OBC certificate is frequently denied a concurrent DNT certificate, locking the most marginalised communities out of the very scheme designed for their empowerment. A welfare programme that requires documentation that the State itself refuses to generate is nothing but a bureaucratic fiction.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">The absence of enumeration compounds this problem at every level. Without a census count, there can be no reliable estimate of population size, no measurement of backwardness, no defensible basis for allocating resources, and no judicial oversight on whether State obligations are being met. Successive Commission reports, from the Renke Commission in 2008 to the Idate Commission in 2017, have uniformly begun by noting that effective policy is impossible without enumeration, but the State has not acted on this finding across three successive governments, which is not merely a policy failure but a denial of the conditions necessary for substantive equality.<\/p>\n<h2>Limits of&nbsp;<span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Indra Sawhney<\/span>&nbsp;and the 50 per cent ceiling<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">In the landmark judgment, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0000018408\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Indra Sawhney<\/span> v. <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Union of India<\/span><\/a><a id=\"fnref6\" href=\"#fn6\" title=\"6. 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217 : 1992 SCC (L&amp;S) Supp 1 : (1992) 22 ATC 385.\"><sup>6<\/sup><\/a>, a nine-Judge Constitution Bench established the parameters of Article 16(4). The court accepted the use of caste as a primary indicator of social backwardness but imposed a strict 50 per cent ceiling on vertical reservations. It held that this limit could be breached only in &#8220;extraordinary situations&#8221; affecting communities outside the mainstream of national life. The <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0000018408\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Indra Sawhney case<\/span><\/a> also permitted the sub-classification of OBCs to ensure equitable distribution, yet it left the internal homogeneity of SCs and STs unaddressed.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">For decades, the demand for a separate DNT category was stifled by the fear of breaching this 50 per cent ceiling. However, this legal precedent barrier was effectively bypassed by the Supreme Court by upholding the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0003006146\" target=\"_blank\">103rd Constitutional Amendment<\/a><!-- LE to check if this will hyperlink as &#8220;Constitution (103rd Amendment) Act, 2019&#8221; --><!-- yes --><a id=\"fnref7\" href=\"#fn7\" title=\"7. Janhit Abhiyan v. Union of India, (2023) 5 SCC 1.\"><sup>7<\/sup><\/a>, which introduced a 10 per cent quota for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) via Articles 15(6) and 16(6). The court recognised that the EWS quota operated in a separate vertical zone outside the SC\/ST\/OBC structure, and confirmed that Parliament possesses the legislative competence to create new, parallel reservation categories that transcend the 50 per cent rule to achieve substantive equality.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Therefore, a new category could face immediate challenge unless accompanied by the kind of empirical foundation that courts now mandate under the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9002453615\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Davinder Singh case<\/span><\/a>. Fragmentation of the affirmative action structure, without corresponding expansion of opportunity in public employment and education, risks creating zero-sum competition between vulnerable communities, which is an outcome that serves neither justice nor social cohesion.<\/p>\n<h2>Sub-classification versus separate recognition<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">While State-level sub-classification offers an immediate legal path to grant preferential quotas to the DNTs already within the SC\/ST lists, it is an incomplete remedy because sub-classification leaves the fragmentation of the DNTs intact. Since the DNT communities are scattered across the SC, ST, and OBC lists, State-specific sub-classification would result in a chaotic, non-uniform regulatory landscape. A DNT community recognised under the OBC list in one State would face different creamy layer thresholds and quota percentages than a DNT community classified under the SC list in a neighbouring State. Therefore, creating a separate constitutional schedule (for example, Article 342-B) remains the most legally coherent approach.<\/p>\n<h2>A workable path forward<\/h2>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Taken together, these structural risks explain why the Supreme Court and successive governments have been reluctant to act. However, they do not resolve the underlying legal question of whether a workable path exists. If political will were present, the availability of legal avenues suggests a route forward that need not require a constitutional amendment at the outset.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">First, the Supreme Court&#8217;s order, while declining to intervene judicially, explicitly directed the petitioners to pursue the matter before the competent executive authorities. That direction, read alongside the Ministry of Social Justice&#8217;s own stated preference for DNT enumeration, creates a clear political opportunity for formalising DNT enumeration through a distinct, dedicated column or code in the census schedule, which does not require the court&#8217;s intervention, as it is an executive decision. Such enumeration would identify the 268 unclassified communities and generate the &#8220;quantifiable and empirical data&#8221; mandated by the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9002453615\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Davinder Singh case<\/span><\/a> to justify either State-level sub-classification or a constitutional amendment path.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Second, Parliament&#8217;s power under Article 340 could be used to constitute a permanent, statutory National Commission for DNTs with adjudicatory functions, which shall not be merely a Welfare Board. This was recommended by the Idate Commission, but the Government declined. A statutory commission with investigative powers would be capable of enforcing the issuance of DNT certificates through binding directions to State Governments, addressing one of the most persistent implementation failures of the current framework.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Third, a case exists for the repeal of the Habitual Offenders Acts across States. There is no modern penological justification for these laws, and their disproportionate impact on DNT communities has been documented. The Law Commission of India, academicians, and civil society organisations have long argued that their persistence reflects political inertia. The legal authorities can rely on the standard provisions of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9001804326\" target=\"_blank\">Nyaya Sanhita, 2023<\/a> (BNS) and the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9001804327\" target=\"_blank\">Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023<\/a> (BNSS)<!-- XML to hyperlink both statutes -->, which target individual criminal conduct rather than profiling entire socio-ethnic communities.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Fourth, State Governments within the existing OBC framework, through centrally sponsored scheme conditionalities and Central Government advisory mechanisms, could create identifiable sub-categories for DNT communities within OBC lists, with separate enumeration and separate allocation within the OBC quota. This is constitutionally permissible under the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9002453615\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Davinder Singh case<\/span><\/a> without any further legislation, as it requires only political and administrative will at the State level.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-bottom: 3%;\">Finally, if the above steps generate the requisite empirical data, a constitutional amendment inserting a provision analogous to Articles 341, 342, and 342-A, empowering the President to notify a separate list of DNTs, would become legally permissible on the standard the court has itself set. Such a schedule would centralise DNTs into a single vertical category, which addresses the fragmentation that State-level sub-classification cannot resolve. Whether Parliament chooses to pursue this path is a question of politics, not constitutional limitations.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<hr\/>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><strong><span style=\"color: #000080;\">*4th year BSc LLB (Hons.) Student, Gujarat National Law University, Gandhinagar. Author can be reached at: <a href=\"mailto:yashweer22bsl011@gnlu.ac.in\" target=\"_blank\">yashweer22bsl011@gnlu.ac.in<\/a>.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn1\" href=\"#fnref1\">1.<\/a> <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Dakxinkumar Bajrange<\/span> v. <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Union of India<\/span>, WP(C) No. 334 of 2026.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn2\" href=\"#fnref2\">2.<\/a> Abhinay Lakshman, &#8220;Mobilisation for a Column on Denotified Tribes in Census Forms Picks up Pace&#8221;, <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">The Hindu<\/span>, 10-3-2026, available at &lt;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/mobilisation-for-a-column-on-denotifiedtribesin-census-forms-picks-up-pace\/article70723119.ece\" target=\"_blank\">https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/mobilisation-for-a-column-on-denotifiedtribesin-census-forms-picks-up-pace\/article70723119.ece<\/span><\/span><\/a>&gt;.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn3\" href=\"#fnref3\">3.<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9002453615\" target=\"_blank\">(2025) 1 SCC 1<\/span><\/a>.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn4\" href=\"#fnref4\">4.<\/a> Abhinay Lakshman, &#8220;A Separate Classification for Denotified Tribes | Explained&#8221;, <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">The Hindu<\/span>, 17-2-2026, available at &lt;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/a-separate-classification-for-denotified-tribes-explained\/article70638653.ece\" target=\"_blank\">https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/news\/national\/a-separate-classification-for-denotified-tribes-explained\/article70638653.ece<\/span><\/span><\/a>&gt;.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn5\" href=\"#fnref5\">5.<\/a> Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India, SEED Scheme for Denotified Tribes, available at &lt;<a href=\"https:\/\/sansad.in\/getFile\/loksabhaquestions\/annex\/184\/AU1973_k4eOix.pdf?source=pqals\" target=\"_blank\">https:\/\/sansad.in\/getFile\/loksabhaquestions\/annex\/184\/AU1973_k4eOix.pdf?source=pqals<\/span><\/a>&gt;.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn6\" href=\"#fnref6\">6.<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-0000018408\" target=\"_blank\">1992 Supp (3) SCC 217<\/span><\/a> : 1992 SCC (L&amp;S) Supp 1 : (1992) 22 ATC 385.<\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: 18pt; text-indent: -18pt;\"><a id=\"fn7\" href=\"#fnref7\">7.<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9001505496\" target=\"_blank\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\"><span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Janhit Abhiyan<\/span> v. <span style=\"font-style: italic;\">Union of India<\/span><\/span><\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scconline.com\/DocumentLink.aspx?q=JTXT-9001505496\" target=\"_blank\">(2023) 5 SCC 1<\/span><\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>by Yashweer Singh*<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":67011,"featured_media":385241,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[42503,1191],"tags":[105339,105336,105341,105340,105337,105338],"class_list":["post-385239","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-legal-analysis","category-op-ed","tag-articles-14-15-16-denotified-tribes-legal-analysis","tag-denotified-tribes-schedule-constitutional-analysis-india","tag-denotified-tribes-sub-classification-reservation-jurisprudence","tag-dnt-census-enumeration-constitutional-framework-india","tag-dnt-classification-reservation-law-constitutional-amendment","tag-separate-dnt-category-affirmative-action-india"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.4 (Yoast SEO v27.4) - 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